As a social scientist, I have noticed two significant events that have captured my attention. Recently, the COAS-Pakistan made headlines by saying, “Those who do not accept Sharia and the Constitution, we do not consider them as Pakistanis.” The second event is about not permitting peaceful Minority Rights March by the government of Pakistan, saying out loud that they are incapable of providing security to the marchers due to extremist backlash. It’s pretty funny that the extremists threaten a nuclear state.
The statement from the higher order of the state, like COAS, raises a critical question:” Who are the Pakistanis? Is religion a part of national identity? If yes, then why do we have white color in our flag? And most importantly, what about the concept of citizenship and fundamental rights guaranteed in the constitution of Pakistan that says no one will discriminate against others based on sex, religion, or creed?
Minority Rights March intended to create awareness of the challenges they are facing in Pakistan. The purpose was to bring to the notice of policymakers, legislators, and the justice system that influential people are kidnapping minor girls, forcefully converting them to Islam, vandalizing worship places, and carrying out targeted killings.
The issue of national identity and “NO” to minority rights March have profound implications not only for religious minority groups like Christians, Hindus, Sikhs, Parsis, and last but not least, Ahmadis, but also for society as a whole. These two events potentially bring a war-like situation among those who hold secular views and proponents of sharia imposition. It also shows the government’s failure to uphold democratic principles and protect the rights of all citizens.
These two events highlight that the state and its apparatus have internalized prejudice and discriminatory attitudes full of hatred directed at religious minorities, leading to the marginalization that has not emerged overnight of minority groups from a larger society. The people of Pakistan are struggling, particularly with the emergence of social media, regarding who will define who is Muslim and who is not. Who has the religious authority with too many sects within Islam to explain it? What are the basic ingredients of national identity? Lastly, the protection of individual rights and who will protect them, probably aliens from another planet. So, the main question that we need to ask is: do we see religious minorities as people with the same dignity that we enjoy?
This article examines the question above through the sense of community theory proposed by McMillan and Chavis (1986). The sense of community theory helps analyze the experiences of religious minorities. The authors have defined the sense of community as “a feeling that members have of belonging, a feeling that members matter to one another and to the group, and a shared faith that members’ needs will be met through their commitment to being together. According to them, a sense of community can be measured by assessing the dimensions of membership, influence, Integration, fulfillment of needs, and shared emotional connection. Together, these elements create a robust framework for understanding how communities function and thrive, ultimately enriching the lives of their members.
The first dimension of membership determines the importance of individuals feeling accepted and valued within the community, which means who is a community member and an outsider. Membership lays the foundation for members to engage and actively participate in community life. History tells us that Pakistan is a result of the two-nations theory. However, there is a debate that Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, the founder of Pakistan, dreamt of a secular state in his speeches and writing; he talked about the principles of democracy, pluralism, and the protection of minority rights so that religious freedom and coexistence is maintained and strengthened.
The islamization of Pakistan started with Liaquat Ali Khan, the first prime minister, when he called Pakistan a laboratory of Islam. We all know what happens in the laboratory very well. We tested the change in state narrative in the laboratory first. Now, the country serves as a model for Islamic governance, and societal norms and laws have become sharia compliance. Soon after that, systemic discrimination against religious minorities, including Christians, Hindus, Sikhs, and particularly the Ahmadis, became victims of utter discrimination and marginalization. The icing on the cake is Zia-ul-Haq’s project of Islamizing Pakistan. Under this project, he made various laws that made religious minorities’ life miserable as hell. They become the second class citizens in their own country due to socio-economic and political marginalization.
The story doesn’t end here; the kidnapping of Hindu minor girls and forcefully converting them to Islam instilled fear and insecurity in these minority groups. Vandalizing their religious places is a violation of their fundamental human rights; they are the victims of societal intolerance, leading to a pervasive sense of vulnerability and a weak sense of belonging among minorities in Pakistan. In such a situation, how can they believe that the majority Muslim population considers them integral members of Pakistani society?
The second dimension of influence refers to the reciprocal relationship between the individual and the community or a sense of mattering. It is bidirectional in the sense that members of a group must not only feel the impact of the community on their lives but also recognize their ability to influence the community in return. This dynamic fosters a sense of empowerment and agency, reinforcing that each member plays a crucial role in shaping the community’s identity and direction. In Pakistan, the constitutions of 1956, 62, and 1973 include provisions that discriminate against religious minorities, thereby rendering them ineffective and uninfluential. As per the sense of community theory, this framework bars them from key political positions such as the president and prime minister, impedes their participation in the political process, and ultimately results in their marginalization and lack of influence within society.
The third dimension, Integration and fulfillment of needs, emphasizes the community’s ability to address the diverse needs of its members. A strong sense of community ensures and reinforces that members’ needs will be met by their social interaction. This dimension underscores the importance of resources, support systems, and shared goals contributing to the community’s well-being.
Religious minorities in Pakistan experience a lack of Integration, and their needs remain largely unmet. Five percent of government employment is for low-tier jobs such as sanitary workers. Consequently, the only alternative for these individuals is to participate in the competitive civil service examinations, a challenge many find impossible due to inadequate educational opportunities resulting from their families’ economic hardships. Even when educational opportunities are available, these students often encounter discrimination. A recent report by Pakistani journalist Umer Cheema highlighted an incident involving a Hindu student at NUML University, where he was coerced to consume beef and pressured to convert to Islam by the university hostel cook. Additionally, Parmala Ravi Shankar, a former employee of a multinational corporation, was prohibited from using the cutlery utilized by her Muslim colleagues. Furthermore, these minorities gain representation in national and provincial assemblies through designated reserved seats.
Finally, the dimension of shared emotional connection highlights the emotional bonds that develop among members based partially on a shared history, such as shared experiences, values, and goals, creating a sense of solidarity and mutual understanding. The members’ identification with shared history is considered more important than their participation. Unfortunately, this shared history in Pakistan is painted differently by using curricula that are full of hatred against minorities. Curricula is a tool used by the state for indoctrination and building a single national identity that is Muslim. Our educational policies are built upon the protection of the majority of Muslims and socially exclude religious minorities.
Moreover, the dynamics of in-group and out-group are prominently evident in school textbooks, which serve as a crucial medium for indoctrinating young minds with discrimination and prejudice. The recent statement by the COAS-Pakistan aligns with this policy, in which groups who are not Muslims are not considered Pakistani. Hence, Pakistan denied their right to hold a march for the protection of their rights. This exclusion is not merely a matter of rhetoric; it has profound implications for how individuals from minority communities perceive their place within the nation. Consequently, the shared emotional connection of religious minorities is adversely affected.
